Saturday, May 31, 2025
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Saturday, May 31, 2025

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Rittenhouse Motion for Mistrial: State Did Not Turn Over Full Size Drone Video Until Trial Ended

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The video, which was in the state’s possession, “wasn’t provided to the defense until after the trial concluded,” wrote the Rittenhouse defense attorneys.

Prosecutors in the Kyle Rittenhouse trial gave the defense team a more compressed, less clear last-minute drone video than they had, putting the defense in a weaker position, according to a defense motion seeking a mistrial with prejudice.

On Nov. 6, 2021, the fifth day of the trial, the prosecution “turned over to the defense footage of a drone video which captured some of the incident from Aug. 25, 2020,” the defense attorneys wrote. “The problem is, the prosecution gave the defense a compressed version of the video. What that means is the video provided to the defense was not as clear as the video kept by the state.”

According to the motion, the full size of the defense video is 3.6 MB and the state’s is 11.2 MB. The dimensions on the defense video are 480 X 212, and the state’s is 1920 X 844.

The video, which was in the state’s possession “wasn’t provided to the defense until after the trial concluded,” wrote the attorneys.

Motion for Mistrial

The motion is for a mistrial with prejudice, which means, if granted, that the state could not retry Rittenhouse. The complaint was raised in court previously verbally and the judge indicated he was taking it under advisement but never gave a formal ruling. It was filed Nov. 15, 2021, the day before the jury headed into deliberations. The jury did not reach a verdict Nov. 16; jurors were expected to continue deliberations on Wednesday.

The motion was filed in Kenosha County Circuit Court by attorneys Mark Richards and Corey Chirafisi, Rittenhouse’s defense team.

They raised several other issues that provoked Judge Bruce Schroeder to strongly rebuke lead prosecutor Thomas Binger in court.

The state also brought up a video in court that had been discussed on Aug. 18, 2021, in a second other acts motion filed by the state, the motion says. It sought to admit evidence regarding a video “showing the defendant sitting in a vehicle having a discussion regarding what he would like to do to people he believed were looting.”

Judge Schroeder indicated he was taking the motion “under advisement with a bias against admitting the evidence.”

The state did not file a motion for reconsideration.

The motion accuses Binger of violating the court’s order on other acts’ evidence by telling Rittenhouse, “you have previously indicated that you wished you had your AR 15 to protect someone’s property.” The court admonished the state, and the defense moved for a mistrial with prejudice.

On Nov. 8, 2021, Rittenhouse testified in court. The judge said there “was nothing that the Court heard in the case that would change the Court’s mind on any of the rulings.”

On cross-examination, the state asked the defendant, according to the motion, “Since August 25, 2020, this is the first time you told this story.” The defense objected, and the court sustained it.

Shortly thereafter the prosecutor said, “…now you are telling your side of the story.”

The court excused the jury and reminded the state “that the defendant has a constitutional right to post-arrest silence. The court indicated that the prosecution was either over the line or right up on the line and that the court didn’t want any other problems,” the motion says.

Binger said, “I thought, my good faith belief – you had left the door open a little bit, now we had something new and I was going to probe it.” Schroeder responded, “I don’t believe you.”

The state played their version of the drone video for Schroeder to review during jury instructions conference. They indicated their video was much clearer and had their tech person come into court, says the motion.

The video is the same but the resolution was not. The state “did not provide their quality video to the defense until Nov. 13, 2021, and only upon a specific request – two days before closing arguments and after the evidence had been closed,” says the motion.

In order to bar a new trial in the event the mistrial motion is granted, the prosecutor’s action must be intentional or designed to create another chance to convict, to provoke a mistrial to get another kick at the cat because the first trial is going badly.

“The prosecutor’s conduct was clearly intentional,” wrote the defense attorneys.

The prosecution should be required to explain to the court why they did not copy the footage for the defendant with the same quality as their copy, the defense wrote, noting that “the video footage has been at the center of this case. “The idea that the state would provide lesser quality footage and then use that footage as a linchpin in their case and it is the very reason they requested and were granted the provocation instruction by the court. The failure to provide the same quality footage in this particular case is intentional and clearly prejudices the defendant.”

The defense says the testimony “in this case up to that point had not gone very well for the prosecution. “

Jack Posobiec, Senior Editor of @HumanEvents, was first to break the story of the motion and posted the entire motion on his Twitter page.

Table of Contents

DHS Puts 4 Wisconsin Cities & Counties on Formal Notice, Says They ‘Defy Federal Law’

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DOJ Begins California Title IX Investigation Over ‘Trans’ Boys Dominating Girls’ Sports

The U.S. Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division announced it is investigating California for violating Title IX by allowing males to participate in female student sports.

“Title IX exists to protect women and girls in education,” said Harmeet K. Dhillon, assistant attorney general for Civil Rights. “It is perverse to allow males to compete against girls, invade their private spaces, and take their trophies.”

In February, President Donald Trump signed an executive order banning males from participating in female student sports, and he has threatened to block California's federal funding for continuing to defy his order. With California facing deficits in the tens of billions of dollars each year, it's unclear how the state would offset any losses or pauses in federal funding.

Notably, California Gov. Gavin Newsom hosted conservative pundit Charlie Kirk on his podcast and told Kirk that he thinks it’s “deeply unfair” that boys are participating in girls’ sports.

When asked later at a press conference what this means for state policy, Newsom demurred, painting the matter as a marginal, non-issue not worth his time.

“You're talking about a very small number of people, a very small number of athletes, and my responsibility is to address the pressing issues of our time,” said Newsom.

The California Interscholastic Federation, which governs student sports in California, has since responded to Trump’s threat by announcing a new pilot program to allow girls who otherwise would have qualified for sports finals had the finalist spots in girls’ sports not been taken by transgender-identifying boys to participate in said finals.

Title IX was signed into law by President Richard Nixon in 1972 to ensure that schools could not discriminate against female students. It requires they be provided with equal opportunities to engage in athletics, extracurriculars and education.

DOJ’s letter of interest says it is investigating whether California’s Assembly Bill 1266, which requires transgender-identifying students to be allowed to participate in sports consistent with their gender identities, violates Title IX.

“As a result of CIF’s policy, California’s top-ranked girls’ triple jumper, and second-ranked girls’ long-jumper, is a boy,” wrote the DOJ. “As recently as May 17, this male athlete was allowed to take winning titles that rightfully belong to female athletes in both events.”

“This male athlete will now be allowed to compete against those female athletes again for a state title in long, triple, and high jump,” continued the DOJ. “Other high school female athletes have alleged that they were likewise robbed of podium positions and spots on their teams after they were forced to compete against males.”

Should the DOJ find California is in violation of Title IX, it says it will “take appropriate action to eliminate that discrimination, including seeking injunctive relief.”

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Should Feds Require ‘Intellectual Diversity’ Among University Faculties?

Through more than 140 executive orders, President Donald Trump in his first 100-plus days in office has used his signing pen like a battering ram to undo sometimes decades-old policies and practices that have shaped the federal government, including in public and higher education.

On day one, the administration banned diversity, equity and inclusion programs from federal agencies and institutions receiving federal funding, targeting schools like Harvard University that refuse to comply with his policies. But Trump also is attempting to move schools away from such practices by requiring them to hire for “viewpoint” or “intellectual” diversity – a move that has been met with varying degrees of skepticism and support.

The administration included such terms in both its list of demands to Harvard and in an executive order on reforming accreditation in higher education.

Among the 10 demands outlined in a letter from the administration to Harvard in April, it directed the university to facilitate an audit of the “student body, faculty, staff and leadership” for “viewpoint diversity” and to submit that audit to the federal government.

“Each department, field, or teaching unit must be individually viewpoint diverse,” the letter reads.

The university is to hire or admit for viewpoint diversity until a “critical mass” is reached in each arena.

Within a handful of recent executive orders on education was one meant to hold accreditors accountable for “unlawful discrimination in accreditation-related activity under the guise of ‘diversity, equity, and inclusion’ initiatives.”

“A group of higher education accreditors are the gatekeepers that decide which colleges and universities American students can spend the more than $100 billion in Federal student loans and Pell Grants dispersed each year,” the order reads.

The order accuses accreditors of prioritizing “discriminatory ideology” in accreditation standards over strong graduation rates, return on investment and other important criteria. As an antidote, the order commissions the secretary of education with devising new accreditation standards, including one that requires institutions to “prioritize intellectual diversity among faculty in order to advance academic freedom, intellectual inquiry, and student learning.”

Heather Mac Donald, a scholar at The Manhattan Institute who’s written on a number of topics over the years, including higher education, is supportive of the goal but thinks the means are “problematic.” Mac Donald authored "The Diversity Delusion: How Race and Gender Pandering Corrupt the University and Undermine Our Culture" in 2018.

“I agree with the substantive critique entirely. I think universities are the enemy of Western civilization,” Mac Donald told The Center Square. “They are perpetuating an ideology of hatred and of ignorance. They are betraying their fundamental obligation, which is the pursuit of truth, by embracing a one-sided, ignorant understanding of the West’s contributions and its relative position regarding other civilizations.”

In addition, Mac Donald believes universities have discriminated against certain racial groups for years.

“The universities have been blatantly discriminating against whites, white males, Asians, Asian males. They’ve introduced grotesque double standards for admissions and hiring,” she said.

Despite her numerous and serious critiques of contemporary American universities, she thinks a mandate from the federal government for intellectual diversity represents bureaucratic overreach. The administration’s demands to Harvard were provided mostly on the basis that the university has violated discrimination laws through expressions of and responses to anti-semitism on campus, she said.

“We are a government of limited powers. It’s true that the government does oversee civil rights violations under Title VI, but it’s a stretch to say that what’s going on with the left-wing bias in academia constitutes a civil rights violation that the Trump administration has the authority to correct by withholding funds,” she said.

“As necessary as it is to make a course correction, I don’t think that we should be doing so in a way that will justify further left-wing incursions,” she added.

The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression has also been critical of how the administration has gone after Harvard, saying it has flouted the lawful procedure for resolving such issues, despite also being critical of Harvard at times. But Tyler Coward, the foundation’s lead counsel on government affairs, isn’t as quick to oppose the administration’s mandate in the executive order on accreditation.

“We’re still thinking of what it looks like in practice for accreditors to have some sort of mandate for institutions to show ideological diversity. We at FIRE think that ideological diversity is a good thing. In its best form, it helps foster a true learning environment, a true marketplace of ideas that we expect our universities to be,” Coward told The Center Square.

While the executive order may appear heavy-handed, Coward said the government’s relationship with accrediting institutions has already occupied a kind of gray space for a long time.

“The government is the one empowering these accreditors in the first place. The reason these accreditors exist is because the government licenses them to exist. So it’s this weird thing where the government is involved sort of but not really, and so what is the appropriate response from the government if things aren’t going well. These are age-old tensions,” Coward said.

Scott Yenor, a scholar with California-based think tank The Claremont Institute, thinks, like Mac Donald, that American universities have strayed far from their original purpose and need correcting.

“This is a classical liberal solution with kind of non-classical liberal means,” Yenor told The Center Square.

Yenor agrees that universities need to be a marketplace of ideas but believes most no longer are, and he thinks the administration’s attempt at requiring it might be a step in the right direction.

“I don’t know that there’s any other way of actually achieving intellectual diversity besides a demand that you achieve it,” Yenor said. “The government has been doing that when it comes to racial diversity, and always with the justification that increasing racial diversity will actually increase the intellectual diversity on campus.”

“What the Trump administration is doing is what has been done for a long time already, which is making explicit demands for ideological diversity but more direct than the indirect way it’s been done on racial stuff.”

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SCOTUS Decision on Religious Charter Schools Will Carry Widespread Ramifications

In a case that could have major implications for the American public school system, the U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether religious charter schools, which are taxpayer-funded, are constitutional.

The St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School v. Drummond case involves a 2023 decision by the Oklahoma Statewide Virtual Charter School Board to allow St. Isidore to join the dozens of charter schools in the state.

Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond sued the charter school board, arguing that allowing St. Isidore to join the public charter school program amounts to state-sponsoring of religion.

The Oklahoma Supreme Court ruled in Drummond’s favor, but St. Isidore is arguing before the Supreme Court that contracting with the state to provide free and public education options as a privately run entity does not mean its religious activities constitute “state actions.”

Lori Windham from Becket law firm, which filed a friend-of-the-court brief in support of St. Isidore, told The Center Square that a major question in the case is whether charter schools are closer to traditional public schools or instead function as private schools that are eligible for public funds like scholarships.

“There are already a lot of programs that taxpayers fund for things like federal student loans or federal scholarships that go to religious schools and non-religious schools alike,” Windham said. “Funds to help disabled students, funds to help schools have better security measures to prevent school shootings and hate crime – those go to religious schools and non-religious schools alike.”

“So in that way, this charter school isn't so different from lots of other programs that are out there where many different people can come in and ask to be part of that program, regardless of whether they're religious or not,” she added.

Though identifying as a Catholic school, St. Isidore accepts nonreligious students and does not require a statement of faith. Accordingly, the school also argues that an exclusion of St. Isidore from the state’s charter school program, simply because it is religious, violates the First Amendment’s free exercise clause.

“When you have a generally available program, you can't kick out religious people or religious groups just for being religious. You have to allow them to compete on the same basis as everybody else,” Windham told The Center Square. “And that's the main argument that the charter school is making here, that they're just trying to compete for that charter on the same basis as any other private group who wants to start running a school as part of that program.”

If precedent is any indication, St. Isidore has a high chance of winning the case. In 2022, the Supreme Court overturned the state of Maine’s ban on state tuition assistance to students attending religious schools.

But if SCOTUS does rule in Drummond’s favor, other areas where religious students and schools are currently receiving state funds – such as assistance for students with disabilities – could be jeopardized.

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