Tuesday, April 23, 2024
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Tuesday, April 23, 2024

Milwaukee Press Club 'Excellence in Wisconsin Journalism' 2020 & 2021 Award Winners

Why Republicans Should Kill the Milwaukee Public Schools Breakup Bill – And Do It Now

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Why would Republicans think eight Milwaukee school boards is a good idea?

Some legislative proposals are wrong as a political strategy. Other legislative proposals are just bad policy, no matter how well-meaning. The Milwaukee Public Schools breakup bill is that rare legislative proposal that is both.

Republicans need to kill the bill, and they should do it now before it galvanizes education freedom opponents, provides cover for the media to trash reform, and robs universal school choice of momentum at a critical time.

To be sure, MPS is broken. It’s failing Milwaukee kids. This story has been known for years, but it’s worsened exponentially during the pandemic. There are great racial disparities between kids who received the benefits of in-person schooling and those robbed of it.

MacIver Institute recently presented some shocking statistics, per DPI: Only 4.2% of MPS students scored proficient or better in Math on the Forward exams last year (grades 3-8). For English, the percentage is 7.3%, for Science, it’s 8.9%, and for Social Science, it’s 7.2%.

Wisconsin Right Now called Republican Senator Alberta Darling’s office and asked her staff members some tough questions about the breakup bill before writing this article. They said she was trying to provoke a conversation about MPS when she proposed it because the status quo is not working. We concede that her motivations are in the right place, and we have a lot of respect for Darling and her long service. We just don’t think this is the right way to have that conversation, and it’s not the right time.

There’s a better way to help kids in public schools than replicating a failed experiment. It’s called universal school choice, which gives power to parents, rather than creating more bureaucrats, as the MPS breakup bill does. It has more crossover appeal, and it would be tougher for Gov. Tony Evers to veto (his instinct would surely be to do so, but he would likely pay a price at the ballot box in November).

Tommy Thompson, who recently advocated for school choice for all, was right when he said school choice lifts all boats, public schools included. That’s what competition inspires. That’s what the free market does. Although he once floated the MPS breakup idea years ago, today he sidesteps the question.

Some legislators and education activists are diverting attention from universal school choice at a critical time by simultaneously pushing the more controversial MPS break-up. They’re different bills, but they were proposed around the same time. Now the break-up bill is all the media want to talk about (of course). Milwaukee mayoral candidates are focusing on the break-up bill rather than being pinned down on school choice.

Breaking MPS into 4-8 districts would likely create a mess. Republicans would have to own that mess for some time.

Alan Borsuk warned in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, “Sometimes it’s called the Pottery Barn Rule: Break it and you own it. But it’s one thing to apply that to ceramic items dropped in a store. It’s another to apply it to a big and troubled public school district. Put it this way: Do Wisconsin Republicans really want to own Milwaukee Public Schools?”

We don’t often agree with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, but on Borsuk’s point here, we do.

The answer is no. They shouldn’t.

As Borsuk noted, in the late 1980s, the school board approved a plan “to create six districts within MPS…The reality: six ineffective bureaucracies and a big mess. The plan had a deservedly short life.”

Now Republicans want to create as many as eight.


What is Universal School Choice?

Universal school choice empowers parents, not political bureaucracies, to determine how and where a child is educated regardless of residency or income. Through universal school choice, parents direct education funding to schools that meet their educational expectations and goals.


Why the MPS Breakup Bill Is Bad Policy

The MPS break-up bill tries to fix a bloated, inefficient, and failing bureaucracy by creating more bureaucracy and more bloat, potentially increasing costs and likely reducing accountability. Smaller districts also would likely be more racially segregated.

  1. The bill would create four to eight school districts.

2. The breakup bill would create multiple superintendents.

3. It would create multiple school boards. Imagine eight school boards! And you think one MPS school board is maddening?

4. It would create multiple transportation, food service, and administrative systems.

Imagine the cost. It’s taking something not working and replicating it eight times. Adding more administrative bloat (and there’s no guarantee they would be good administrators), doesn’t tackle the biggest problems in the district, like those low testing numbers.

Furthermore, although observers say the exact framework being proposed by MPS hasn’t really been tried elsewhere, one study, by Minter Hoxby, found that breaking large urban districts into smaller ones did not improve achievement for blacks, Hispanics, females, and students who don’t have a parent with a high school education – in other words, some of the groups most likely to be left behind now. Students who were already “relatively advantaged” benefited most. More competition among public schools resulted in lower spending per-pupil and larger classes, the article found.

The author also found that competition from private schools “has approximately double the positive effect on public school students that competition between public schools has.”

Experience with state takeovers across the nation “clearly shows that state-appointed boards fail to improve academic achievement,” researchers found. They also create “significant political backlash.”

In 2007, Pinellas County, Florida, tried to carve out a “neighborhood schools system that kept students close to home.” It was a complete disaster. Student achievement plummeted and poor and black students were isolated into their own districts. Teachers fled.

Other examples in which smaller districts broke away from larger ones have led to wealth inequities. Another Republican legislative venture, an Opportunity Schools effort to create a different governmental structure for MPS, failed abysmally.

Those experiences are somewhat different. But they bring warning signs.

Effective July 1, 2024, the MPS breakup bill would dissolve the Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS) and create “in its place four to eight city of Milwaukee public school districts,” the bill confirms.

“Each new school district must operate grades kindergarten to 12. Each new school board must consist of seven members elected at large for three-year terms. The initial election of school board members occurs at the 2024 spring election.”

These balkanized districts would be run by a new commission. That commission would be run by the governor, mayor and state superintendent. What happens if – like now – all three are run by Democrats?

Sure that might saddle them politically with MPS’s problems. But it won’t help kids. Worse, they’d likely make decisions that would harm school kids more. Imagine the scenario with the current “leaders.” Decisions made by Evers, uber WEAC defender Jill Underly, and Acting Mayor Cavalier Johnson, and their appointees. Just great!

When did solving a problem by creating a “commission” ever do anything (think: “Wisconsin Election Commission” or “Milwaukee Office of Violence Prevention”)? This one would be called the “Milwaukee Public Schools Redistricting and Implementation Commission.”

“The bill directs the Department of Public Instruction to provide staff support
and funding to the commission and to assist each new school district created under
the bill,” the legislation says. In other words: More costs to taxpayers.

How would the district boundaries be drawn? How soon would people accuse the commission of creating more segregated schools as school district boundaries shrink to neighborhoods?

Some of these details don’t seem to have been considered yet.

More bureaucracy has never solved a problem.

What solves the problem is not keeping power in the hands of an ever-mutating number of administrators. What solves the problem is shifting power into the hands of parents.


The Bill Grandfathers in ALL Existing Employees

Another major problem embedded in the breakup bill: It grandfathers in ALL existing employees.

The Legislative Reference Bureau memo on the MPS breakup bill says that it: “Ensure[s] that employees of MPS prior to its dissolution are employed by one of the new school districts after the dissolution of MPS.” If MPS is such a mess, why keep all of its employees?

Even an analysis that supports breaking up mega districts acknowledges, “Clearly, as a practical matter, this would be no simple task. One would have to confront how to handle accrued bonded indebtedness associated with the existing mega-district. One would have to address whether to retain city-wide specialty schools, including academically selective ones. And the drawing of district lines would have to be done in a manner mindful of socioeconomic difference, so as not to create clusters of especially disadvantaged students.”

That article focuses on unions, arguing that its harder for them to organize strikes with many smaller districts. However, since the employees would be grandfathered in, they’d presumably still be members of teachers’ unions if they are now. It could be argued that smaller districts would be easier to organize too.


Why It’s Bad Politics

We witnessed at a recent north side Milwaukee mayoral forum, An African-American woman stood up and – incorrectly – expressed anger that Republicans in the Legislature were trying to “abolish” MPS. A legislator set the woman straight; no one is trying to abolish MPS. But that’s how people perceive it.

It saddles the Republican gubernatorial candidates with unnecessary controversy.

Some have falsely stated that a recent poll found that 77% of MPS parents wanted to reform MPS by breaking it into a number of smaller school districts. It didn’t. We’ve reviewed the polling question. The poll did not ask whether residents supported breaking MPS into smaller pieces.

In contrast, universal school choice is an idea that crosses partisan lines. There is great momentum for the concept – and for educational freedom – in general. Just look at what happened when the choice application went live on the DPI website; it crashed it. There is a Great Parent Awakening in Wisconsin and elsewhere.

Prominent Republican GOP candidates (Rebecca Kleefisch, Kevin Nicholson) are on the record as supporting universal school choice. Tommy Thompson, a father of school choice in Wisconsin, is advocating for it. Universal school choice is popular in polls, even with independents and a significant share of Democrats.

It’s the better idea to back.

It’s the perfect storm of a moment, and universal school choice looks like an idea that can cross political lines, benefit from the groundswell of new parental activism in this state, and, thus, it could actually get done. Evers would veto such an idea at his own electoral peril.

The breakup bill, however, has sucked the life out of that momentum and shifted the debate toward an idea that is likely to upset or confuse many parents and mobilize the opposition. It’s being seized on by opponents to discredit the rest.

It needs to go away. If Republicans care about Milwaukee kids, they will kill the bill. If they care about what happens in November, they will kill the bill and shift their energy toward getting universal school choice done.

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Prosecutors Begin Laying Out Case Against Trump to Jury

Federal prosecutors on Monday began laying out what they say is election fraud in 2016 by former President Donald Trump.

Trump, 77, is the first former U.S. president to be charged with a felony. Prosecutors and defense attorneys presented their opening statements to the jury of five women and seven men.

Prosecutors said Trump corrupted the 2016 election, The Hill reported on Monday.

"This case is about a criminal conspiracy and a cover-up," Manhattan prosecutor Matthew Colangelo said. "The defendant, Donald Trump, orchestrated a criminal scheme to corrupt the 2016 election, then covered it up."

Trump will spend four days a week in court in New York for the next six to eight weeks on state charges that he disguised hush money payments to two women as legal expenses during the 2016 election. Judge Juan Merchan has not scheduled trial days on Wednesdays.

On Monday, his defense attorneys said he had done nothing wrong.

"President Trump is innocent," Trump attorney Todd Blanche told the jury. "He did not commit any crimes. The Manhattan district attorney's office should never have brought this case."

Trump pleaded not guilty in April 2023 to 34 felony counts of falsifying business records.

Merchan's gag order remains in place, ordered last month before the trial began. Trump, the nation's 45th president, is prohibited from making or directing others to make public statements about witnesses concerning their potential participation or about counsel in the case or about court staff, district attorney staff or family members of staff.

Prosecutors said Trump's $130,000 payment to adult film actress Stormy Daniels was falsely covered up as a business expense, that the money was to help keep her quiet. Prosecutors say they had a sexual encounter.

Prosecutors also said Trump paid Karen McDougal, a Playboy magazine "Playmate," and reimbursed then attorney and fixer Michael Cohen to cover it up.

"This was a planned, coordinated, long-running conspiracy to influence the 2016 election, to help Donald Trump get elected through illegal expenditures to silence people who had something bad to say about his behavior," Colangelo said. "It was election fraud, pure and simple."

Reuters reported that Blanche countered that Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg should have never brought the case to trial.

"There's nothing wrong with trying to influence an election" Blanche said. "It's called democracy. They put something sinister on this idea, as if it's a crime."

Prosecutors say Trump falsified internal records kept by his company, hiding the true nature of payments that involve Daniels ($130,000), McDougal ($150,000), and Trump's former personal lawyer Michael Cohen ($420,000). Prosecutors say the money was logged as legal expenses, not reimbursements. In a reversal of past close relationships now pivotal to the prosecution against him, both Cohen and Daniels are expected to testify.

Under New York state law, falsifying business records in the first degree is a Class E felony that carries a maximum sentence of four years in prison.

Even if convicted and sentenced to jail, Trump could continue his campaign to return to the White House. He's facing the Democratic incumbent who ousted him in 2020, 81-year-old President Joe Biden.

Trump faces 88 felony charges spread across four cases in Florida, Georgia, New York and Washington.Trump has said the criminal and civil trials he faces are designed to keep him from winning the 2024 rematch versus Biden.

Waukesha County DA Declines Charges in Brandtjen Campaign Finance Case

(The Center Square) – Another local prosecutor declined to bring charges against a Republican state lawmaker in a campaign funding raising case.

Waukesha County’s District Attorney Sue Opper said she would not file charges against state Rep. Janel Brandtjen. But Opper said she is not clearing Brandtjen in the case.

“I am simply concluding that I cannot prove charges against her. While the intercepted communications, such as audio recordings may be compelling in the court of public opinion, they are not in a court of law,” Opper said.

Wisconsin’s Ethics Commission suggested charges against Brandtjen and a handful of others in a case that investigators say saw them move money around to allegedly skirt Wisconsin’s limits on campaign donations.

Opper said the Ethics Commission investigation was based on “reasonable suspicion and then probable cause.” But she added that those “burdens are substantially lower than proof beyond a reasonable doubt which is necessary for a criminal conviction.”

Opper said the Ethic Commission could pursue a civil case against Brandtjen and the others. She also opened the door to other investigations.

“This decision does not clear Rep. Brandtjen of any wrongdoing, there is just not enough evidence to move forward to let a factfinder decide,” Opper said.

She’s the fourth local prosecutor in the state to decide against filing charges.

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Brad Schimel Says He Won’t Repeat Mistakes of Last Supreme Court Race

(The Center Square) – Judge Brad Schmiel says he’s not going to repeat the mistakes of the last supreme court race in Wisconsin.

Schimel told News Talk 1130 WISN’s Jay Weber he isn’t going to politicize the race like liberal Justice Janet Protasiewicz, and he’s not going to ignore his campaign like former conservative Justice Dan Kelly.

Schimel said he can run for the court next year without injecting Republican politics into the court.

“I've had plenty of people on our side that suggested ‘Brad, you just got to do the same.’ No. I cannot do that,” Schimel said. “We still have to respect the rule of law. We still have to respect the Constitution. We still have to respect judicial ethics. I'm not going to go out and promise people what I'm going to do. But I will promise people that they can look at my record, and they know that I've done the right thing. That I have put the law above politics. I put the law above my own personal opinions.”

Republicans roundly criticized Protasiewicz for her comments about abortion and Wisconsin’s state legislative maps during the 2023 campaign.

Republicans also roundly criticized former Justice Dan Kelly, who lost to Protasiewicz, for his perceived lack of campaigning.

“We couldn’t have put a brighter, more reliable conservative on the Wisconsin Supreme Court than Dan Kelly,” Schmiel added. “But, with the campaign there were some mistakes that were made.”

Chief among them, Schimel said, was Kelly’s decision to reject money from the Wisconsin Republican Party that could have gone toward TV ads.

Schimel said that left Kelly at a huge disadvantage.

“Janet Protasiewicz took almost $10 million from the state [Democratic] Party. Dan took the money too late. He realized ‘Oh my gosh, I'm going to get burned on this.’ By the time he took it the best ad buys were gone, and he wasn't able to spend the money effectively,” Schimel said. “He spent $585,000 on TV. That was what his campaign spent. Janet Protasiewicz’s campaign spent $10.5 million. When you are out-spent 20-to-one on TV, you better just start writing your concession speech.”

Schmiel vowed not to be outspent this time around.

“I have made it clear. I will take all legal, ethical contributions to my campaign because we have to win,” Schimel said. “Because we have to stop standing on this hill of principle that we end up dying on.”

Defund NPR

Multiple Bills Introduced in Congress to Defund NPR

Several U.S. House Republicans introduced multiple pieces of legislation to defund National Public Radio following new allegations of “leftist propaganda” from the taxpayer-funded news source.

House Freedom Caucus Chair Bob Good, R-Va., Rep. Jim Banks, R-Ind., and Rep. Claudia Tenney, R-N.Y., introduced similar legislation to prohibit federal funding for NPR, including barring local public radio stations from utilizing money from federal grants to “purchase content or pay dues to NPR.”

Over the years, Republicans have made multiple attempts to defund NPR, citing similar complaints. The latest outrage follows an editorial from former NPR Editor Uri Berliner, who criticized the news source claiming it had "lost America's trust."

Berliner criticized NPR’s coverage of alleged Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election, the COVID-19 lab leak theory and of Hunter Biden's abandoned laptop as examples of the outlet’s left-leaning bias. He described “the most damaging development at NPR: the absence of viewpoint diversity.”

Banks took aim at NPR’s new Chief Executive Officer Katherine Maher, who has expressed criticism of the First Amendment in efforts to combat “misinformation.”

“NPR’s new CEO is a radical, left-wing activist who doesn’t believe in free speech or objective journalism. Hoosiers shouldn’t be writing her paychecks. Katherine Maher isn’t qualified to teach an introductory journalism class, much less capable of responsibly spending millions of American tax dollars,” said Banks.

The Indiana congressman continued by describing the news outlet as a “liberal looney bin” under prior leadership, drawing attention to a systemic problem.

“It’s time to pull the plug on this national embarrassment. Congress must stop spending other people’s hard-earned money on low grade propaganda,” Banks lamented.

Good was a bit more reserved in his take-down of the news outlet.

“It is bad enough that so many media outlets push their slanted views instead of reporting the news, but it is even more egregious for hardworking taxpayers to be forced to pay for it. National Public Radio has a track record of promoting anti-American narratives on the taxpayer dime,” Good said in a news release. “My legislation would ensure no taxpayer dollars are used to fund the woke, leftist propaganda of National Public Radio.”

Tenney, a former newspaper owner and publisher, accused NPR of using taxpayer funds to “manipulate” and promote a political agenda controlled by “left-wing activists.”

"I understand the importance of non-partisan, balanced media coverage, and have seen first-hand the left-wing bias in our news media. These disturbing reports out of NPR confirm what many have known for a long time: NPR is using American taxpayer dollars to manipulate the news and lie to the American people on behalf of a political agenda. It’s past time the American people stop footing the bill for NPR, and the partisan, left-wing activists that control it," Tenney said in a news release.

The lawmakers cited the political make-up of the NPR’s D.C. news team, which they say includes 87 registered Democrats and no registered Republicans.

The Center Square uncovered records showing that Maher exclusively donated to Democratic political candidates before her role at NPR. Her largest donation of $1,500 was given to Virginia Congressman Tom Perriello in 2017, and most frequently donated to Virginia state Sen. Jennifer Carroll Foy, in the amounts of $25 over nine times.

Good underscored the original purpose for the publicly funded news outlet, which he says was “created to be an educational news source and to ‘speak with many voices.’” He added that NPR has now become “a primary outlet for advancing biased and radical media coverage of political and social issues.”

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Rep. Janel Brandtjen: Threats to WEC Chief Don’t Help

(The Center Square) – One of the biggest critics of Wisconsin’s election administrator says no one should be threatening her and says threats don’t help fix election integrity issues.

State Rep. Janel Brandtjen, R-Menomonee Falls, on Tuesday offered her thoughts after the Wisconsin Elections Commission confirmed elections administrator Meagan Wolfe is receiving extra security protection.

"Threatening Administrator Meagan Wolfe, or any election official, is unacceptable and counterproductive. Venting frustrations on individuals like Wolfe, clerks, or poll workers is not only illegal but also harmful to rebuilding trust in our elections,” Brandtjen said. “Threats only undermine our republic and empower the courts and media. It's essential to address any concerns about election processes through legal channels. Threats have no place in our democracy.”

Brandtjen has been one of Wisconsin’s loudest critics of Wolfe. She led hearings as far back as 2021 into Wolfe’s role in the 2020 election. Brandtjen also led the push to get Wolfe removed from the Elections Commission.

“Wolfe’s term has indeed expired, and according to Wisconsin Statutes 15.61(1)(b)1, she should be removed, but Republicans are too worried about the press or too compromised to follow existing law.” Brandtjen said.

The Wisconsin Elections Commission on Monday clarified that Wolfe is receiving extra security but refused to offer any details.

“The Wisconsin Elections Commission has had productive conversations about safety and security with state leadership, including the governor’s office, which is tasked with approving security measures for state government officials,” WEC spokesperson Riley Vetterkind said in a statement. “Those conversations have resulted in additional security measures being approved for Administrator Wolfe and the WEC when the need arises.”

Brandtjen on Tuesday blamed Wisconsin Republicans, and once again blamed Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, for Wolfe’s continued time on the Elections Commission.

“It's disappointing that Sen. Dan Knodl and Rep. Scott Krug, chairs of the election committees, have not exercised their investigative and subpoena powers. This inaction has allowed the neglect of essential laws, such as providing ballots to individuals declared incompetent, lack of checks in military ballot requests, an insecure online system, and improper guidance on voting for homeless individuals without proper documentation,” she said. “The Legislature, particularly Speaker Vos' control, is responsible for the frustration caused by election irregularities due to their inaction.”

Wisconsin’s local election managers have reported an uptick in threats and angry rhetoric since the 2020 election, and some local election offices have taken extra precautions. But there haven’t been any cases in Wisconsin where someone has acted on an election threat.

Wisconsin’s Largest Business Group Sues Over Evers’ 400-year School Funding Veto

(The Center Square) – There is now a legal challenge to Gov. Tony Evers’ 400-year school funding veto.

The WMC Litigation Center on Monday asked the Wisconsin Supreme Court to take up their challenge to the governor’s summer veto that increased per-pupil funding for the next four centuries.

“At issue is Gov. Evers’ use of the so-called ‘Vanna White’ or ‘pick-a-letter’ veto,” the group said in a statement. “The governor creatively eliminated specific numbers in a portion of the budget bill that was meant to increase the property tax levy limit for school districts in the 2023-24 and 2024-25 fiscal years. By striking individual digits, the levy limit would instead be increased from the years 2023 to 2425 – or four centuries into the future.”

The WMC Litigation Center is an affiliate of Wisconsin Manufactures & Commerce (WMC), the combined state chamber and manufacturers’ association.

Litigation Center Executive Director Scott Rosenow said while Wisconsin’s governor has an incredibly powerful veto pen, there are limits.

“No Wisconsin governor has the authority to strike individual letters or digits to form a new word or number, except when reducing appropriations,” Rosenow said. “This action is not only unconstitutional on its face, but it is undemocratic because this specific partial veto allows school districts to raise property taxes for the next 400 years without voter approval.”

Wisconsin lawmakers and voters approved a constitutional amendment in 1990 that put limits on the governor’s veto power.

Rosenow and the WMC Litigation Center say the governor’s veto goes beyond those limits.

The legal challenge also raises the constitutional issue that all state spending has to originate with, and be approved by, the legislature.

“In no uncertain terms, 402 years is not less than or part of the two-year duration approved by the Legislature – it is far more,” concluded Rosenow. “The governor overstepped his authority with this partial veto, at the expense of taxpayers, and we believe oversight by the Court is necessary.”

The WMC Litigation Center is asking the Wisconsin Supreme Court to take the case as quickly as possible.

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