Monday, December 22, 2025
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Monday, December 22, 2025

Milwaukee Press Club 'Excellence in Wisconsin Journalism' 2020 & 2021 Award Winners

The UW Must Change This Practice NOW to Improve Diversity & Workforce Development

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It’s time for the UW to value an industry background alongside degree credentials. It’s time to lift hundreds of deserving people of color and women into positions of power.

If UW System leaders truly care about diversity and inclusion, and if Republican legislators truly care about job training and workforce development for students, I am calling on both to fix the problem I will outline below. Do it now.

There is a simple step that the UW System’s leaders, Gov. Tony Evers, and Republican legislators could take NOW to immediately improve diversity on campus AND to bolster the system’s workforce development mission, providing a better experience for students, industry, and taxpayers.

That sounds like a no-brainer. Yet no one is talking about it.

Right now, state law and university system rules do not mandate that all of the system’s more than 5,500 full-time instructional academic staff share in decision-making authority across the UW System. This should be mandated. In some universities in the UW System, they are expressly banned from doing so because they don’t have tenure or terminal degrees, even though many have master’s degrees, decades of industry experience, teach the most, and have deep industry ties.

To crystallize this absurdity through example: My university’s journalism program could hire Tom Brokaw or Walter Cronkite (before his death) to teach broadcast journalism, and they would be banned from making decisions on the broadcast journalism classes we offer or which type of instructor we should hire next because they don’t have tenure or PhDs. Instead, the decisions would be made by PhD theorists with tenure who have limited or no television news experience. To put it bluntly.

Make that make sense.

It doesn’t. It’s time to get rid of the UW System’s archaic hierarchies that value degree over industry experience. Both should be valued. They should have equal footing. As an added benefit, this change would immediately boost hundreds of instructors of color and women into equal footing in the power structure. It’s a step the UW could take to immediately impact structural racism and gender bias.

If you want to truly reform the UW System to make it more effective for students, more efficient for taxpayers, more diverse, and more connected to employers’ needs, you have to change who is making the decisions, and many of those happen at the department level due to shared governance.

Right now, at UW-Milwaukee, UW-Madison, UW-Parkside, and UW-Eau Claire, and likely other universities, you need tenure (or a terminal degree) to sit on an executive committee. To get tenure, you generally need a PhD. A terminal degree means a person has achieved the highest possible educational credential in their field. Generally that is a PhD.

Why this matters: Many instructional academic staff have master’s degrees and extensive experience in industry instead; it’s fairly rare for people to have spent decades in the industry and have a PhD. As a matter of disclosure, I am in this category. I have taught journalism full-time at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee for about 20 years. I have won the Alumni Foundation’s teaching excellence award, I have a master’s degree, and I have 25 years of industry experience.

Yet, I’ve been locked out of power-sharing the entire time because I don’t have tenure or a PhD, and I’m far from alone. My story is simply emblematic of the many others in the same position.

To put this briefly into a political context for Republican legislators, that means that those “so-called liberal, Marxist theorists” they so dislike are making the decisions about budgets and curriculum, in some cases instead of people with industry experience and connections that benefit students who, after all, are paying big tuition bills to get jobs in those industries (note to potential faculty censors, I am not saying all tenured faculty are liberal Marxist theorists or that none have industry backgrounds…I’m boiling it down to make a point.)

Department executive committees run by tenured professors are extremely powerful due to shared governance that concentrates power in the UW System in committees at the departmental level, giving them even more power in some respects than deans and chancellors. They make many decisions that affect taxpayers and student tuition payers. They allocate budgets. They hire. They fire. They make decisions on the curriculum. Yes, there are higher committees involved, but, at the core, power is concentrated in these department-level committees.

Now let’s talk about how this impacts diversity. There are also hundreds of instructional academic staff who are people of color in the UW System; yet, at some universities, people in those categories are locked out of power completely, given only an advisory role, even though they often teach the most. There is a significant gender disparity: A larger percentage of women are academic staff than are tenured faculty, so this practice prevents a lot of women from cracking the glass ceiling and sharing in power. Tenured professors are more likely to be researchers. For years, the only instructor of color in our program wasn’t allowed a non-advisory vote on all important departmental matters but taught the most classes and had decades of industry experience. Make that make sense. That instructor left.

For many, many years teaching full-time at UW-Milwaukee, I was never supervised by a female chair (until recently), and I’ve never worked under a department chair who is a person of color. I’ve watched as executive committee members without backgrounds in industries we teach have made some decisions that are not always in the interest of students and those industries.

In my program, Journalism, Advertising, and Media Studies, the academic staff historically taught more classes because they (ostensibly anyway) don’t have academic research requirements. Our academic staff instructors have decades of experience in the industries they teach. Other instructors worked for decades in the public relations, advertising, and television industries. They interact constantly with students and place them in internships. However, they can’t sit on their program’s executive committee because they don’t have PhDs or tenure. For years, that executive committee was run by theorist professors who, in many cases, had no, outdated or very little industry experience in these fields. This is not meant to denigrate them. Many of them were excellent researchers and theorists in those fields. They spent a lot of their time writing books and conducting research. But it’s different. One of them believed the rest of us belonged at MATC. Some harbored a clear disdain for academic staff/skills training/workforce development/teaching skills over teaching theory and research.

For years, in my department, there was strong disagreement about hiring priorities between the powerless academic staff (mostly women then) and the powerful executive committee members (mostly men then). We wanted an instructor to do video editing or SEO; they wanted an instructor to teach theory courses, for example.

After years of tension over this fault line, the dean did the right thing and spun us off into a semi-autonomous program that exists under the Communication Department executive committee. This has been working well. I respect the folks in Comm, and they’ve been respectful of our semi-autonomy. They still have the ultimate power, though. The reality remains that the major, final decisions are still being made by tenured professors with PhDs (now in Comm) who have no background at all in the industries we are training our students to succeed in. And that makes no sense. I provide specifics about my program just because it is such a case in point.

But it’s hardly alone.

A few years ago, I learned that the same challenge existed in an American Sign Language program, at least then, to give another example. The instructors did not have tenure, so they were governed by an executive committee from another department that consisted of professors with no ties to that culture.

The rules can be complex and confusing.

University rules do allow a departmental executive committee to “extend the right to vote and participate in departmental meetings to members of the academic staff.” I believe this rarely happens, and at some universities, it’s expressly disallowed. In my university, we sometimes get to sit on faculty committees and vote (but it’s only advisory and different from the true power concentrated in executive committees). And, yes, there are university-wide academic staff committees involved in governance. However, executive committees have the real power.

This right should not have to be “extended.” In other words, the people with power should not be trusted to share it. Get rid of the hierarchy that values a PhD more than industry experience. Change state law to mandate inclusion of instructional academic staff on departmental executive committees.

I reached out to John Lucas, spokesman for UW-Madison. Can you tell me if people without tenure can sit on UW-Madison executive committees that run departments? I asked him.

“They cannot,” he responded.

“Can people without PHDS?” I asked.

“Yes, however, all faculty at UW-Madison have a terminal degree (not necessarily a PhD),” he said.

“If non-tenured people without PHDS (instructional academic staff really) are allowed to serve on departmental executive committees at UW Madison, is that automatic or do they have to be converted or allowed on in a case by case basis?” I asked.

“There is a process at Madison by which academic staff with or without PhDs are able to participate in departmental meetings. This happens pretty regularly across campus,” he said. (I would note that this happens at UWM too, but this participation is advisory. Executive committees have the final say. So it’s a different point.)

“In a practical sense, do many instructional academic staff sit on departmental executive committees at UW-Madison or is this very rare?” I asked Lucas.

“This does not happen,” he responded.

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee’s July 2022 policies and procedures say, “Each department has a Departmental Executive Committee, consisting of all full-time members of the department who are tenured professors or tenured associate professors, and as determined by the Departmental Executive Committee at the time of appointment with tenure, any person holding a part-time appointment as a tenured professor or tenured associate professor…”

The University of Wisconsin-Parkside’s rules say: “Each department shall have a Departmental Executive Committee, consisting of all members of the department who are tenured professors, tenured associate professors, and, with the permission of the committee, tenured assistant professors…”

The University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire’s spokesperson told me, “Departments have Department Personnel Committees that establish criteria and procedures for periodic review and make recommendations on reappointment and granting tenure. DPC Membership is comprised of ‘All tenured faculty with an assignment of 50 percent or more in the department’ (FASRP, p. 47). A Ph.D. is not necessarily required to be granted tenure, if the DPC affirms that the person holds a ‘terminal degree’ appropriate for their field based on national organizational standards.”

I would note that, in my university, a terminal degree has not been a guarantee of inclusion on the Executive Committee. In fact, I’ve seen that denied in the past.

That’s why the discretion should be removed. Instructional academic staff shouldn’t have to fight to share in power. It should be a given.

State law is a bit vaguer.

The faculty of each institution, subject to the responsibilities and powers of the board (of Regents), the president, and the chancellor of such institution, shall have the primary responsibility for advising the chancellor regarding academic and educational activities and faculty personnel matters. The faculty of each institution shall have the right to determine their own faculty organizational structure and to select representatives to participate in institutional governance, except that the faculty of each institution shall ensure that faculty in academic disciplines related to science, technology, engineering, and mathematics are adequately represented in the faculty organizational structure.

How are “faculty” defined? “Faculty” means “persons who hold the rank of professor, associate professor, assistant professor or instructor in an academic department or its functional equivalent in an institution and such academic staff as may be designated by the chancellor and faculty of the institution.”

However, practically speaking, at least at some universities, academic staff are rarely lifted into positions of power. In 2021, I tried to dig into this issue and was told by the secretary of the university at UW-Milwaukee, “If you want to be a department, you will need an EC (executive committee). I cannot imagine you would get permission to form a department without someone having a PhD.” I was also told: “You cannot be on an executive committee unless you are a tenured faculty member.”

Very rarely people are converted to tenure-track positions; for example, some academic staff scientists in the School of Freshwater Sciences were converted to tenure-track positions some time ago so they can qualify for the executive committee, but only tenured instructors can sit on the executive committee.

I asked Mark Pitsch, spokesman for the UW System if you need tenure and/or a PHD to serve on an executive committee system-wide because it gets confusing. He has not yet responded.

It’s easy to find departmental websites specifying that only tenured faculty can sit on executive committees. See here.

UW Academic staff numbers

Systemwide, using the system’s own 2021 numbers, the latest available:

  • More than 5,500 employees are instructional academic staff. As a point of comparison, there are over 5,400 “faculty” (people who could serve on executive committees if they get tenure. Not all of them have tenure.)
  • More than 650 instructional academic staff are instructors of color. To be honest, the numbers are appalling. Only 138 instructional academic staff members in the entire UW System are black. Maybe rather than spending millions of dollars to create diversity positions and programs, the university should figure out how to recruit and keep talented instructors of all backgrounds. Locking people out of power doesn’t help.
  • The faculty is also terribly non-diverse, with 1,120 faculty of color in 2021, boosted by the fact that 702 of those are Asian.
  • There is an even bigger gender disparity. At UW-Madison, for example, there were MORE female instructional academic staff than male (1,386 to 1,374) last year. Yet faculty tilt male. There were 1,383 male faculty in 2022 and 907 female faculty.
  • Some universities have made it harder to get this information; the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee used to present such information on an online dashboard but now limits it to “campus administrative staff.” The UW System’s statistics dashboard makes it easy to find racial statistics but not gender statistics. I asked Pitsch for those too, but he has not yet provided them.

There are other categories of employment in the UW; there are non-instructional academic staff and classified staff (think people who work in IT and the library). I’d like to see them lifted into governance too, but many aren’t attached to academic departments.  Instructional academic staff are often the front-line instructors working with students.

I think it’s most important for front-line teachers with industry backgrounds to have a say over curriculum, budgets, and hiring.

Over the years, I’ve raised the issue and have essentially received this explanation from the people in power, “But it’s always been done this way…”

I’ve spoken directly about it to a legislative leader and a member of the Board of Regents.

The Board of Regents and State Legislature, with Gov. Tony Evers on board, could change this easily, thereby challenging “systemic racism” and gender bias by fundamentally changing the power structure in a way that is more equitable. Yes, that’s using the language from the left, but shouldn’t they practice what they preach?

-Note: This article represents my personal views and not those of the institution where I work.

 

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Assembly Leaders Call for Dugan’s Resignation, Threaten Impeachment

(The Center Square) – Wisconsin’s Republican Assembly leaders say they will begin impeachment proceedings if Milwaukee County Judge Hannah Dugan does not resign from her post immediately following a felony obstruction conviction Thursday evening.

Dugan was found guilty of obstructing as Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers were attempting to arrest a defendant in her court outside of the courtroom.

Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, R-Rochester, and Assembly Majority Leader Tyler August, R-Walworth, sent a statement Friday noting that the last Wisconsin judge was impeached in 1853 but that the Assembly would begin impeachment proceedings if Dugan doesn’t resign.

Dugan’s legal team indicated Thursday that she would appeal the jury’s decision.

“Under a 1976 Attorney General Opinion, Democrat Bronson La Follette stated that when a State Senator was convicted of a felony, a vacancy was created, and the Senator ‘was effectually divested of any right or title to the office. His status with reference to the office was fixed at the time of his conviction,’ the leaders wrote. “Such is the case here, and Judge Dugan must recognize that the law requires her resignation.

“Wisconsinites deserve to know their judiciary is impartial and that justice is blind. Judge Hannah Dugan is neither, and her privilege of serving the people of Wisconsin has come to an end.”

The jury found Dugan not guilty of a misdemeanor charge of concealing related to defendant Eduardo Flores-Ruiz, who was later arrested on the street outside the courthouse and has since been deported.

The obstruction charge could lead to up to five years in prison.

The Assembly leaders cited the Wisconsin constitution, which says “‘[n]o person convicted of a felony, in any court within the United States, no person convicted in federal court of a crime designated, at the time of commission, under federal law as a misdemeanor involving a violation of public trust and no person convicted, in a court of a state, of a crime designated, at the time of commission, under the law of the state as a misdemeanor involving a violation of public trust shall be eligible to any office of trust, profit or honor in this state unless pardoned of the conviction.”

“While we are disappointed in today’s outcome, the failure of the prosecution to secure convictions on both counts demonstrates the opportunity we have to clear Judge Dugan’s name and show she did nothing wrong in the matter,” her legal team said after the verdict was read. “We have planned for this potential outcome and our defense of Judge Dugan is just beginning.”

Milwaukee Judge Hannah Dugan Guilty of Felony Obstruction During ICE Arrest

(The Center Square) – Milwaukee Judge Hannah Dugan was found guilty of a felony charge of obstruction by a jury Thursday in a case involving the judge’s actions related to a defendant in her court that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers were attempting to arrest outside of the courtroom.

The jury returned the verdict at 8:38 p.m. Central Time.

The jury found Dugan not guilty of a misdemeanor charge of concealing related to defendant Eduardo Flores-Ruiz, who was later arrested on the street outside the courthouse and has since been deported.

The obstruction charge could lead to up to a $100,000 fine and a year in prison.

“While we are disappointed in today’s outcome, the failure of the prosecution to secure convictions on both counts demonstrates the opportunity we have to clear Judge Dugan’s name and show she did nothing wrong in the matter,” her legal team said. “We have planned for this potential outcome and our defense of Judge Dugan is just beginning.”

Video from the courthouse depicts Dugan speaking with ICE officers in the hallway outside her courtroom and defendant Flores-Ruiz walking through a back hallway with a person identified in an affidavit as his attorney before heading to an elevator and then being chased down and arrested on the street outside of the courthouse.

FBI, DOJ Foil Plot For New Year’s Eve Bombings in Southern California

Four alleged members of a pro-Palestine terror group were arrested in connection with alleged plans for New Year’s Eve bombings across Southern California.

Authorities announced the arrests during a news conference Monday with First Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli, FBI Assistant Director in Charge Akil Davis and Los Angeles County Sheriff Robert Luna.

Essayli said all four suspects are from the Los Angeles area. He said one suspect created a plan to bomb five or more locations across Los Angeles and Orange County, with step-by-step instructions on building improvised explosive devices.

The arrests were made last week in Lucerne Valley, which is east of Los Angeles.

U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi said the U.S. Department of Justice and the FBI prevented the bombings.

“The Turtle Island Liberation Front — a far-left, pro-Palestine, anti-government, and anti-capitalist group — was preparing to conduct a series of bombings against multiple targets in California beginning on New Year’s Eve,” Bondi posted on X. “The group also planned to target ICE agents and vehicles.”

Bondi credited “an incredible effort” and "intense investigation" by the FBI and the U.S, Attorney’s Offices for foiling the plot.

“We will continue to pursue these terror groups and bring them to justice,” Bondi said.

Wisconsin All-Terrain, Utility Vehicles Registration Loophole Closed

(The Center Square) – Wisconsin all-terrain and utility task vehicle drivers now must follow Wisconsin laws on where they can drive the vehicles and must pay trail registration fees regardless of where the vehicle is registered.

The bill was recently signed into law by Gov. Tony Evers and it became Wisconsin Act 64.

The law requires any ATV or UTV to follow state law based upon how Wisconsin would classify the vehicle regardless of what the title says for the state where the vehicle is registered.

Lawmakers said the goal of the bill was to close a loophole where Wisconsin UTV and ATV owners would register a vehicle in South Dakota and Montana but drive it in Wisconsin.

“They’re contacting people in Wisconsin and saying ‘Hey, if you register your UTV to an LLC in Montana or South Dakota, we can license that as a motor vehicle, not as an ATV or UTV,’” sponsor Sen. Howard Marklein, R-Spring Green, said during a public hearing on the bill. “And, because of that, they tell Wisconsin residents that you can now use this motor vehicle on any road in the state of Wisconsin.”

The current system of UTV and ATV routes and trails in the state and laws on using those vehicles are locally regulated and usage is determined on the local level.

The new law allows nonresidents access to all Wisconsin ATV and UTV trails and approved routes with a nonresident trail pass.

The registration system is a tax that allows ATV and UTV owners to pay their way by paying for the trail system, Wisconsin ATV Association President Randy Harden said during a public hearing. This means it is important that out-of-state vehicle owners also pay for using the system.

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Tens of thousands of Afghan evacuees, including the gunman charged in the shootings of two National Guard members, killing one just blocks from the White House, were eligible for a slew of benefits, including housing and medical at the expense of the American taxpayer.

Following the pullout of American forces from Afghanistan in 2021, the Biden administration admitted nearly 200,000 evacuees between 2021 and 2023, including two recently arrested on terrorism charges. Through various reports and testimony by government officials, it was revealed that many of the Afghan nationals couldn’t be properly vetted.

Afghans who entered the U.S. on a Special Immigrant Visa (SIV), under a special immigrant parole (SQ/SI), and were granted humanitarian parole as part of the Biden Administration’s Operation Allies Welcome were eligible for over a dozen taxpayer benefits, many continuing four years later.

The benefits include: Supplemental Security Income (SSI), Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), Women, Infants and Children (WIC), HUD Public Housing and Section 8 housing vouchers, emergency Medicaid, Affordable Care Act health plans and subsidies, full-scope Medicaid, Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), federal student aid and Pell grants, REAL ID, Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act services, refugee resettlement programs through the Office of Refugee Resettlement and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), according to the National Immigration Law Center.

For those who didn’t qualify for SSI or TANF, refugees were eligible for up to 12 months of Refugee Cash Assistance (RCA) through the ORR.

In addition, many refugees qualified for employment assistance through Refugee Support Services, which included: childcare, transportation, “employability services,” job training and preparation, job search assistance, placement and retention, English language training, translation and interpreter services and case management, according to the Administration for Children and Families Office of Refugee Resettlement.

The ORR also noted that “some clients may be eligible for specialized programs such as health services, technical assistance for small business start-ups and financial savings.”

Many refugees also qualified for “immigration-related legal assistance” to assist them “on their pathway to obtaining a permanent status.”

Despite the multitude of services provided to Afghan refugees, “they are less likely to be proficient in English, have lower educational attainment, and lower labor force participation” compared to other immigrants in the U.S., according to the Migration Policy Institute. Additionally, “compared to both the native born and the overall foreign-born population, they are much more likely to be living in poverty.”

The institute noted that Afghans “tend to have lower educational attainment” compared to American and foreign-born populations, citing a 2022 statistic showing 28% of Afghan immigrants age 25 and older “reported having at least a bachelor’s degree” as compared to 36% of Americans and 35% of all foreign-born populations.

While 29% of Afghan adults reported having less than a high school diploma, compared to 25% of other immigrant populations, there were some slight improvements among those who arrived in the U.S. between 2020 and 2022, with 36% having at least a four-year degree. However, that figure is 12 points less than other immigrant populations arriving during the same period.

The institute highlighted the “relatively low labor force participation rate” of Afghan immigrants ages 16 and older, showing that in 2022, 61% were in the civilian labor market, compared to 67% of other immigrant populations and 63% of U.S.-born individuals.

Afghan immigrants have a higher poverty rate compared to the American and foreign-born populations. As of 2022, 39% of Afghan nationals were living in poverty, compared to 12% of Americans and 14% of other immigrant populations.

Among the many benefits Afghan refugees are eligible to receive, one of the most costly may be housing in the form of public housing and the Section 8 program.

The institute showed that a majority of immigrants from Afghanistan are concentrated in some of the regions with the highest housing costs in the nation, including the metro areas of Washington, D.C., Sacramento, San Fransico, Los Angeles, New York City, Seattle and San Diego.

When asked if Afghan refugees are still receiving housing benefits, a HUD official told The Center Square that the department “is working in coordination with appropriate agencies to align the Department’s guidance related to immigration status to ensure taxpayer-funded benefits are not used for any unintended purpose.”

Adding to housing benefits, The Center Square reported Tuesday exclusively that amid a national housing crisis, the Biden administration’s Department of Housing and Urban Development produced guidelines encouraging property owners to forgo some fair housing practices to favor Afghan refugees, which the Trump administration directed to be terminated.

The Center Square obtained a HUD directive from the Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity rescinding the Biden-era guidance document, “Operation Allies Welcome: Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) on Fair Housing Issues,” and withdrawing from a FHEO guidance document “Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) Renting to Refugees and Eligible Newcomers,” which the agency claims violates the Fair Housing Act.

HUD Secretary Scott Turner argues the Biden-era guidelines prioritized nearly 200,000 Afghan refugees who were admitted following the 2021 pullout of American forces from Afghanistan by encouraging landlords and property owners to forgo credit checks, occupancy limitations, and engage in targeted marketing toward Afghans.

“After President Biden’s disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, his administration made a bad situation worse by prioritizing housing assistance for Afghan refugees, who we now know were unvetted and unchecked,” Turner told The Center Square. “Since day one, our mission has been clear: to serve the American people and end the misuse and abuse of American taxpayer-funded resources. That is why we rescinded this Operation Allies Welcome guidance, which encouraged landlords and property owners to violate federal civil rights law to protect Afghan refugees. Under President Trump’s leadership, the days of putting Americans last is over.”

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